Bolivia: repression ends mass strike wave
[Workers Power, June 1995]
In early May the government of Sánchez de Lozada managed to put an end to three months of militant struggles by the workers, peasants and urban poor of Bolivia.
The struggle against Lozada’s economic and social policies began on 10 January when a broad plenum of the COB (Bolivia’s trade union federation) adopted a pay claim for 1995. The COB wanted to see the monthly minimum wage increased to 576 bolivianos (around £90) and a "family wage" of 1,871 bolivianos (about £300).
The government replied that "a pay rise is impossible", "Bolivia is&Mac222;nished if we meet the wage demand", and so on.
The government had originally agreed, with IMF approval, a wage increase of 6.5%. The government sent the Finance Bill to the Congress, where it has a majority, with a proposed wage rise of 7.5%. That means about 14 bolivianos a month and a change in the minimum wage to 200 bolivianos (approximately £30). At the same time the MPs decided to increase their own salary by 45%.
The&Mac222;rst major demonstration called by the COB took place in La Paz on 4 February.
Similar gatherings took place in all the provincial capitals, where masses of local people protested against the pay proposals and other government attacks: the handing over of natural resources through privatisation, the Education Reform and the so-called "Popular Participation".
These last two parts of the government’s programme were announced soon after it took of&Mac222;ce in August 1993.
Popular Participation is the name given to the plans to decentralise many of central government’s functions to regional and city level.
The basic laws were adopted a year ago. The government aims to transfer the 10% of central funds at present distributed to city administrations, together with another 10% that go to departmental development corporations, to 308 municipalities (most newly created).
Apart from the obvious fear that the decentralisation will disguise a cut in funding, the measure has also seen especially by the mass of the peasants as a way for the government to increase its ties of patronage to local, corrupt community leaders.
The Education Reform dates from June 1994 and aims to break with the system of free, universal education in Bolivia, introduced after the 1952 revolution. At present there is one teacher for every 13 pupils in Bolivia’s schools. The government wants to reduce the number of teachers (at present around 70,000), cut back on secondary and higher education and concentrate resources in the primary sector. Instead of increasing the quality of teacher training the government wants to break the teachers’ control over their profession and, with it, their union.
Teachers under attack
The government wants to end job security for teachers and break their union’s closed shop. In addition, by defeating the teachers the government hopes to weaken the COB.
Since the destruction of the state mining industry in the 1980s, the teachers have been at the forefront of many labour movement struggles. Their union is a key source of&Mac222;nance for the COB, and the reform seeks to abolish the compulsory payment of union dues.
The government has been trying to introduce the Education Reform bit by bit. But a renewed struggle erupted in February against the imposition of College Principals nominated by, and loyal to, the government. This was the straw which broke the camel’s back, and which transformed the struggle into one to revoke the whole Education Reform.
During March, faced with the growing mobilisation, the teachers and the COB decided to call peaceful marches from the provinces to the regional capitals. The government responded with violence and repression.
On 21 March the government broke into the Federation of Urban Teachers of La Paz and arrested a number of leaders and rank-and-&Mac222;le teachers, among them Vilma Plata, Gonazalo Soruco, Estanislao Aliaga and José L Alvarez.
From this moment onwards the government banned COB mass meetings in La Paz and the police took control of the city’s streets. Meetings and demonstrations were heavily repressed.
On 27 March a demonstration of urban and rural teachers from all over the country set out from Oruro en route for La Paz. The masses accompanied the march to the city’s outskirts. On the second day of the march heavily armed police encircled the protesters at Lequepampa, charged at them and forced them back to Oruro.
The COB national of&Mac222;cials did not go with the marchers all the way, abandoning the march which had begun in the presence of Oscar Salas (COB General Secretary).
The high points of the mobilisations were in La Paz where organised groups of teachers set&Mac222;re to a police station, replying to the gas canisters and batons of the police with slings and stones. The same happened in some other cities where there were also demonstrations and street&Mac222;ghts.
Despite the fact that the COB’s pay claim has demands which unite the peasants, the CSUTCB (peasants’ trade union) and COB bureaucracy were never enthusiastic about incorporating the peasants into the struggle against the new laws.
Repeatedly, they threatened mass blockades without setting a date. By putting the brakes on the masses the COB and CSUTCB left the teachers, miners, universities and other sectors to&Mac222;ght alone.
In fact, many peasants are being drawn into the Popular Participation, with its public works such as electri&Mac222;cation, drinking water and irrigation works.
It is the&Mac222;rst time in the history of the communities that they have received economic resources directly from the municipalities. This is pacifying and diverting the peasants. Many sectors of the peasantry still support the MNR--the main party of government.
On the other hand, the peasant coca growers are resisting the pressure of the government which is trying to destroy the coca plantations.
The government minister has handed over to the coca producers US$2,500 for every hectare of coca eradicated. This is a result of the pressure the government has been put under by the USA, which announced that it would not give any further economic aid to Bolivia if it did not destroy 1,700 hectares of coca by June 1995.
The coca producers showed their determination to continue the&Mac222;ght against forced eradication. They strengthened their armed self-defence pickets. Their leader, Evo Morales, was arrested on 18 April and was prosecuted as a criminal under the state of siege. Despite the fact that he has since been freed the coca growers do not appear to be inclined to destroy their plantations -and destroy their livelihood--for $2,500.
The&Mac222;ght against the privatisation of state industries formed the third component of the recent upsurge. The civic committees of La Paz and other provinces warned the government that if it didn’t stop its privatisation plans for a number of enterprises, amongst them the telecom sector, the committees would paralyse the provinces.
The government quickly molli&Mac222;ed the civic leaders. They incorporated the workers in ENDE (state electricity company) and the telephone co-operatives as shareholders in the enterprises’ privatisation process. Thus privatisation continues on course, despite some setbacks through lack of con&Mac222;dence due to economic and social instability.
In Tarija a huge gathering decided to refuse to recognise the Prefect and initiated a "decentralised" political administration, in addition calling on the government that the main enterprises in the region be nationalised. This was a heavy blow to the government, which immediately ordered the detention of&Mac222;ve leaders of the Civic Committee and the militarisation of the cities of Tarija and Camiri.
Other civic committees threatened strike action, but in practice nothing happened.
The state of siege
A dialogue between the COB and the government opened in March through the mediation of the church.
Just when it looked likely to produce results the state of siege was declared on 19 April. The COB’s leaders were arrested by the police who brutally attacked those at a meeting in La Paz.
More than 350 trade union and political leaders were detained and con&Mac222;ned in inhospitable, unhealthy and marginal parts of the country out of reach of communications.
The government had hoped that normality would return once the state of siege was imposed, with teachers returning to their classes. Instead opposition to the Education Reform remained solid.
The state of siege did, however, demobilise the rest of the movement.
The COB leaders who went underground (such as Alberto Vilar) neither sought to organise or unite any strikes or demonstrations against the state of siege. The only response was in Cochabamba, La Paz and the mining areas, where roadblocks, marches and assemblies were organised. These were quickly suppressed by the police.
Only the continued action of the teachers obliged the government to seek dialogue once more, and ease off a little on the repression.
One minister announced that he would respect the agreements struck before the state of siege. Other government supporters, such as Senator Durán, claimed that the state of siege was only meant to stop the violence taking place in the capital rather than achieve a return to work by teachers.
The government&Mac222;nally went looking for an "understanding" with four COB leaders, the militants of CONDEPA (a right wing populist party) and the ASD (Social Democratic Party) still at liberty. Together these leaders signed an "Act of Understanding". This was a deal designed to free those arrested in return for an end to the inde&Mac222;nite general strike and a return to work by the teachers.
Results and prospects
The state of siege achieved some of its aims but not all of them. It aimed to push ahead with the eradication of the coca crops by force, and in this it was successful.
But the problems of the other exploited masses have not been resolved. The bourgeoisie remains strong and presses ahead with its legislation.
The COB’s united claim has not been met, while the structural reforms and privatisations continue on course. Although the teachers’ leaders have been released, pending trial, they still face serious charges.
The state of siege has not managed to normalise the situation in the schools. Although the teachers’ union has agreed to go ahead with the Education Reform many grieveances remain and the government has had to reach an "understanding", in practice a compromise, in order for classes to resume.
In freeing most of the prisoners and giving guarantees that trade union and political leaders could work freely the government was forced to take several steps back in the middle of the state of siege. Meanwhile, wage negotiations continue and the universities have just begun a struggle over their budgets.
Now is the moment to continue the struggle and reorganise ourselves for future battles. We must discuss the COB/Government accords in rank-and-&Mac222;le assemblies and denounce the betrayals which they contain.
- Drop all charges against the teachers’ leaders!
- Down with the state of siege!
- For freedom of association!
- Long live the COB’s united pay claim!
- Wage rises to meet the needs of a family wage!
- Today and tomorrow: death to the Education Reform: long live free and funded education!
