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Evian: explosive but fragmented protests rock G8
2 June 2003
As the eight leaders of the most rich and powerful countries met up a mountain in the clouds and protected by troops, helicopters and tanks, the world below them began to shift beneath their feet.
Over 100,000 protesters came to Evian and the surrounding area to challenge the power and the war-drive led by the US. Ironically, this G8 summit was called the summit of peace - a farce made all the more blatant by the events in Iraq and the thinly-veiled threats by the US aimed at countries like Iran and North Korea.
The main theme of the summit was the crises in Africa and the third world: conflict, debt and trade, famine, and HIV/Aids. But the hopes of more debt relief and better trade arrangements for the world's poor sank into the water of Lake Geneva.
George Bush showed his contempt for the G8, as he has done for virtually all of the international alliances. He showed up late, left early and didn't agree to anything. By his actions, Bush has made a clear statement to the world: he has no qualms about going it alone and let no one stand in his way.
But there were thousands in opposition willing to act as a block to Bush's plans, acting in solidarity with the people whose lives are facing the blunt end of capitalism. Thousands of protesters came from around the world to protest against this injustice. But what was extraordinary about the protests against the G8 in Evian was the participation of the local population. The locals turned out en masse to support and participate in the demonstrations.
The protests against the G8 were organised in three different camps: Geneva, Lausanne (Swiss) and Annemasse (French). All three were set up early in the week and had attempted to engage with the local people in the areas. Lausanne consisted of mostly anarchists (Pink and Silver block, Aqua block, Black Bloc) in the illegal camp and NGOs in the legal camp, totalling about 30,000. Annemasse was divided between the 'no logo' anarchist camp of VAAG and the Intergalactic camp with LCR and Attac. They numbered about the same. Geneva was initially smaller but swelled to 40,000 or more for the main day of demonstrations.
On Saturday a conference on debt was held at the Geneva university, plus the international anti-war co-ordination meeting and the social movements forum. In Annemasse, there was a three day counter-conference with speakers such as Jose Bove.
Demonstrations were occurring throughout the week with different themes, such as No Borders, Critical Mass, etc. The police did not interfere with these demos, but were omnipresent in the back streets and harassed the illegal Lausanne camp daily.
The main demonstration was planned for Sunday 1 June, the opening day of the summit, and the object was to block the delegates from reaching Evian. The presidents and 200 -300 delegates were expected to arrive at the Geneva airport and be driven to Evian by limousine.
In Geneva the plan was to blockade all six bridges at 5.30amto prevent any delegate from crossing the river. The barricades would be abandoned at 10am and everyone would participate in a mass demonstration to the border to join up with the Annemasse group and 'open' the border. The Lausanne group decided to concentrate their efforts on blocking the port where the delegates would have to leave in order to cross the lake to Evian.
The Swiss state had militarised the road between Geneva and Lausanne. Tanks, jeeps and helicopters patrolled the route. But the Swiss and French police were not content to just mobilise their own forces - they drafted in the German police to assist. The red (no entry) and yellow (no demos) zones within Geneva were strictly enforced. Although the police were present, they had a very 'hands off' policy. But this was soon to change.
The mass demonstrations on 1 June were pre-empted by a rampage of destruction in the centre of Geneva throughout the night. The police allowed a group of about 150 to smash and burn their way around the centre of the city. Small shops and cars were targeted as well as banks and multinationals.
Many rumours placed the blame on the Black Bloc, but some papers blamed the 'casseurs'. This is a special term used for the youth from the suburbs mostly from immigrant families. Bored and frustrated with the whole system, they see no other way to express their anger.
The mood in Geneva changed when the news was heard. Most protesters realised quickly that the police now had an excuse to attack the bridge barricades and other manifestations. Preparations with lemon juice and squirt bottles were readied to counter the effect of tear gas. More than 1,000 protesters headed to the bridges for 5.30am and managed to take five of them. The police did not attack.
At 10 am, the barricades were left and thousands took to the streets to participate in the mass demonstration. The march from Geneva met up with the march from Annemasse at the border without any police interference. Not even at the border!
Things were very different in Lausanne. The Pink and Silver Bloc led the demonstration through the town to block the roads to the port. The police did not hesitate but attacked with tear gas immediately. Rubber bullets and water canon were also used to push back the peaceful demonstrators.
The police pushed them back to their camp and surrounded the camp. There was a stand-off and a short battle before the police gained the upper hand and arrested about 300 people.
Many people were beaten by the police during these and other arrests, but one man was almost murdered. Martin Shaw, from the UK, was hanging by a rope that stretched across a bridge and supported his partner on the other end. All around the rope they placed signs in three different languages explaining that if a car drove over the rope, the activists hanging there could be killed.
The police walked up and cut the rope. Martin fell about 30 ft into a shallow creek, breaking both his legs and knocking him into a coma. He has recovered consciousness and is suing the police for attempted manslaughter.
Back in Geneva in the evening, there was a confrontation between the Black Bloc and the German police. Local people came out onto the street and demanded the police leave. So they left, but came back later with reinforcements. Guy Smallman, a photographer from London, had his calf blown off by a stun grenade.
Although most of the international protesters had gone home by Monday 2 June, the protests against the G8 continued. The samba band led a demonstration against water privatisation to the WTO building. Riot police and water canons loomed around the demo but did not attack.
In another area of the city, a demonstration of 500 people was locked down by the German police. Soon there was over 5000 locals and international protesters confronting the police to release the first set of protesters. 'Police batu, justice ne pas!'
After a few missiles were thrown, the water canon was brought into position and blasted into the crowd. But this brought even more observers to heckle the police. Women in dresses and Ascot hats were screaming abuse at the police. People attempted to make barricades without much effect.
When people began to organise resistance, the police moved into position and began firing on the crowd with rubber bullets. People would scatter and then come back even stronger. This game of cat and mouse went on for about three hours. All this time, punters were sitting out in the open cafes drinking beers and watching. Only when the police opened fire with the tear gas did the punters leave.
The police were criticised quite heavily in the media the next day. Every one could see that they had lost control. So that night all the Swiss police were on the streets trying to look like they were in control but losing that battle as well. It was bizarre to see cops running down the road with no demonstration ahead of them, but about 200 people trailing them to see what's going on. This 'display of strength' went on for about three hours. They invaded the Plainpalais, a central park where the youth hang out, to harass the young people, but made no arrests.
There were many reports of police dressed in Black Bloc clothes (balaclava, even a Palestinian scarf!) driving around and arresting random people. They were also targeting journalists and people with cameras.
Although the protests were lively and effective in many different ways, the trade unions were almost completely absent. There has been little integration between the 'anti-capitalist' movement and the workers movement within France.
The movements seem completely separate. It is the job of the anti-capitalists to bring the workers into the movement and bring their societal strength with them. For it is the workers that will be able to stop the delegates from arriving by any means of transport. It is the workers that have the power to stop work and cripple any country.
But also the workers must also have a different perspective. The French trade unions were preparing for a strike against the proposed pension reforms in the public sector on 3 June. The French workers should look consciously seek to tie in their own domestic agenda with the struggles against the G8 after all privatisation is at the heart of both.
In addition the number of activists from other countries (most notably the Italians) was very small and the divisions between the different camps of the protestors was quite big.
Unless this fragmentation is overcome the movement will become more divided instead of more cohesive as the time goes on. In Evian there were some physical constraints on how integrated the different camps could be - and the state made it as hard as possible to travel between the three - but these restrictions could be overcome. The real division was a political divide. The lack of any space to openly discuss and debate political differences and the way forward was lacking in Evian.
This discussion must take place at the European Social Forum in St. Denis in November. It is crucial. But it will have to be fought for. Attac, who politically dominated the meetings and protests in Evian (through the Geneva Social Forum), does not want this debate to take place because of their reformist politics. We, the revolutionaries, will have a battle on our hands.
For an archive of all articles on the ESF since Florence 2002 see here>>

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